Dr Prakash Sharan Mahat: My Germany visit has been productive in the sense that the German government is positive towards our request for a grant to establish a thermal plant for generating 50-100 MW, which will be crucial in addressing the power-cut problem in winter. We will soon forward a proposal in this connection.

Resources are important as the thermal plant is an expensive option for Nepal. We hope to be able to install the new plant within three or four months.

Myrepublica.com: How many hours of loadshedding will people have to face this winter?

Mahat: We are looking to bring the loadshedding down to 8-10 hours a day. Three things will determine this. First, we will import an additional 50-60 MW from India besides the existing supply. Second, existing projects and thermal plants will be upgraded and maintained for optimum generation. And finally the Ministry will do its best to set up a new thermal plant under German grant.

Myrepublica.com: How will the existing problems with hydro-projects be addressed by the government?

Mahat: There are surely problems in the run-of-river projects which will not generate even 50 percent of total capacity. For this the technical problems will be addressed by replacing equipment and carrying out due maintenance.

Myrepublica.com: It is said that on average there is 20 percent leakage in the supply system. How can this be controlled?

Mahat: Controlling leakage is important from the revenue point of view. There are two parts to this. If we can stop technical leakage, we can provide additional power for households and industries. Another problem is theft through hooking onto the mains. For this, the NEA board has formed a committee which will report to the government within a month. The government will act according to the report.

Myrepublica.com: What progress has been made in developing transmission lines?

Mahat: There is no alternative to power purchase agreements with India. For this, infrastructure development is vital. This is necessary for future power export and also for immediate purchase.

There has to be a modality, which we have to agree with India. We are doing the required homework for this. We will hold talks soon to reach an agreement.

Myrepublica.com: There seems to be confusion on whether your ministry or the Ministry of Irrigation will head the talks with India.

Mahat: There is no confusion at all. If the energy part is dominant, MoE will lead and if irrigation is dominant, MoI will do the needful. Even for the upcoming talks, the team will comprise members from both ministries.

Myrepublica.com: How far have the negotiations reached on the Pancheshwar Multipurpose Project with India?

Mahat: The meeting of the Joint Commission on Water Resources is scheduled for the first week of November and is to be followed soon after by ministerial-level talks that will take up all issues relating to the setting up of the Pancheshwar Development Authority and reach a conclusion.

We have informally agreed to locate PDA headquarters in Nepal.

Myrepublica.com: Why is the UCPN-Maoist against Pancheshwar now?

Mahat: They were ready to go ahead with the project when they were in government, but now they are protesting against it. This is pure politicization. Since there are no ideological differences, we must go ahead with it.

Since India is ready to accept Nepal´s proposal, the time is apt and we must capitalize on this opportunity. The people should know that we will sign the project in the interest of the country. Time is favoring us, so we must not let it go, and if we do, we will prove our own ignorance.

Myrepublica.com: What can be done to address local problems faced at the project sites?

Mahat: There are many policy and institutional problems. But since we have serious investors, both domestic and foreign, the government will play the role of facilitator.But we need to develop a mechanism to involve the locals as partners. Just as with the Upper Tamakoshi, where 10 percent of share is being given to the locals, a similar mechanism can be worked out. We need to deal with legal aspects and we will take care of them. People should feel the projects are in their interest and will benefit them.

The share can be determined as per the nature of the project. Also, it is necessary to develop compensation mechanisms to give some relief to the people if it involves their large-scale uprooting.

Myrepublica.com : West Seti is under parlimentary investigation; what went wrong?
Mahat: The problem was that the promoters could not generate the required finances. The Public Accounts Committee is investigating so we cannot conclude anything before the findings are in.

West Seti is an important project in the far-western region and it can play a lead role in the development of that region along with Mahakali and Pancheshwar.

Myrepublica.com: In the budget announcement, it was said the government would initiate some storage projects. What is the progress here?

Mahat: The budget has been allocated for the Upper Seti in Tanahun. Some foreign investors have shown interest in Aandhi Khola and we are looking for suitable investors in the Budhi Gandaki. And for Jajarkot´s Naxalghat, a loan proposal has been forwarded.

Myrepublica.com: Is it true that there are financial problems with Upper Tamakoshi?

Mahat: We have alternatives. The Nepal Army and Nepal Telecom have shown interest in investing in Upper Tamakoshi. We also want private banks to come forward. They have shown interest too, but there are conditions.

The NA is also building the access road as per our request, and it will be completed by February-March.

Myrepublica.com: There were news reports that the Asian Development Bank is hesitant to issue a loan for transmission line construction. Is this true?

Mahat: I recently spoke with the ADB South Asia representative, and the bank is positive and is also interested in giving a loan for Upper Seti.

Myrepublica.com: How will the government reach its target of generating 25,000 MW? Is it a sensible target?

Mahat: The time factor is very important. Even a medium-size project takes seven or eight years. So if we can initiate say 1000-2000 MW projects like the Mahakali, which are in the pipeline now, we can achieve the target in 20 years.

A committee has also been formed by the Cabinet, which will recommend to the government what needs to be done to meet that target.

Myrepublica.com: You had said when you took over that alternative energy is in your policy guidelines. What progress has been made in this regard?

Mahat: I spoke of three objectives. First, the steps to be taken to address the immediate power crisis. Second, working for encouraging serious investors to expedite the hydropower projects. And third, to look for alternative sources of energy and explore solar, bio-gas and wind power on a commercial basis. Wind energy is a serious alternative option since India and China are also opting for it on a large scale.

Myrepublica.com: How will the government control misuse of licenses?

Mahat: We want to issue licenses only to serious investors and discontinue the first-come-first-served policy. Then we hope to engage in strict monitor of progress. Those who do not make satisfactory progress within the given time will have their licenses canceled.

But for those who complete the work on time, the power purchase agreement should be made available immediately. This will be done promptly.

Coutesy: Myrepublica.com

You are coming to India at a time when there is great uncertainty surrounding both the fate of the peace process in Nepal and the task of writing a new constitution. Yet you have been saying you want to discuss major new projects like Pancheshwor with New Delhi. What exactly is on the agenda?

The visit is basically a goodwill one… There is a new government in India after the elections and there is a new government here in Nepal too. So we have to discuss issues of mutual interest. Basically the task is to build up relations to a new height.

So you are not looking for progress on any one issue? You agree that talking about big projects seems unrealistic.

Yes, the current stage is not so conducive because there are lot of problems inside the country. The Maoists, now they are out of government, are creating many hurdles here. But we are hopeful things will come to a proper position. In the meantime, we have to do something that will be beneficial for Nepal. That’s why we have a plan to develop our hydropower potential to the maximum extent and for that we need foreign investment, cooperation with India on these matters. The same is true about tourism. India with a huge population, Hindu population, has a religious touristic destination in Nepal. Apart from that, there is a huge trade deficit between Nepal and India. We have to find ways to reduce that deficit. So there are many issues that need to be pushed ahead properly.

It is the view of many that the peace process cannot proceed unless serious efforts are made to bring the Maoists back in, to form a national government. Your party leader, Jhalanath Khanal has been saying this. But others in the UML and Nepali Congress speak differently. Do you feel it is important to reach out to the Maoists and find a way of bringing them in?

We need to address the serious concerns and sensitivities of the Maoists but we cannot fulfil all their demands and aspirations. They still have an insurgent mindset, extreme left ideological remnants in their minds. Until and unless they get rid of all these ideological dogmas and all kinds of nondemocratic and undemocratic thinking, it will be very difficult to address their concerns.

But what they are asking for is only a debate in the Constituent Assembly. What is undemocratic about that?

They are demanding that the President’s step [rejecting the dismissal of former army chief Rookmangad Katawal] should be discussed in parliament. We have a provision in our constitution that there cannot be any debate on the president’s decisions. We have to abide by that. If they believe the president acted against the constitution, there is a provision to move an impeachment motion in parliament. That is the proper way. But they don’t dare to do that. Rather they want to discuss some other resolutions there, hoping this will divide the house and they will benefit, or embarrass the president and will put moral pressure on him. As Prime Minister, how can I allow others to embarrass the president there? He cannot go there to defend himself. So how can it be allowed?

But even in an impeachment motion, he cannot go there and defend himself. It seems as if you are raising a procedural objection when your objection is more political. The Maoists essentially want a discussion on civilian supremacy. This can easily be separated from Katawal and the President’s decision and an agreement reached on the core principle. If there is a will to solve this and bring the Maoists back in, surely it is not difficult to come up with a compromise solution in terms of procedure.

This is linked to the intention of the Maoists. We don’t see any good intention of the Maoists on this. We have been insisting that whatever has happened has already been passed, so let’s look for future. We can have a discussion among political parties and a task force can be created to look at what is the system in other countries, how relations between the president and prime minister are and how civilian supremacy is legally and constitutionally managed, and then come out with some recommendations.

Also, whatever is needed to assure the Maoists can be done. They were asking to see General Katawal retire smoothly. That was done. There were these rumours about him extending his term, keeping him as adviser to president, etc. But he is not there any more. So we have taken positively their concerns and addressed them.

The danger is the longer the stalemate persists, the harder it will be for the CA to finish writing the constitution.

Yes, I do feel that. But once the door is opened, the Maoists may have another demand raised! So we are not fully convinced that they have only one demand before us. We had an agreement that they would cooperate in the budget session but they have gone back on it. This shows the extremist line is dominating in the Maoist party. And we should not just bow down before that extreme left opinion.

Recently NC leader Girija Prasad Koirala said the Maoists could meet the same fate as the LTTE. Some people here are talking about a ‘Sri Lanka type solution’ of all-out war. Don’t you think such comments further vitiate the atmosphere and should be avoided?

I don’t have any comment on this. Whether he has and why he has mentioned this, [Mr. Koirala] may have his own opinion I can’t defend, nor contradict it.

Where do you stand on the issue of integration? Do you support the integration of a portion of combatants of the Maoist Peoples Liberation Army in the Nepal Army as was agreed? And by when must this be done?

First, we must resolve the peace process and among all the remaining issues, the situation of combatants in the cantonments needs to be completed, resolved. The cantonments must be closed before we finalise the constitution. That is very clear. Without resolving completely the issue of combatants in the cantonments, we cannot decide finally the constitution. Second, how to resolve the issue of combatants? This must be done as per the agreement and understanding among the parties. Whatever agreement is there between Maoists and government, and the other political parties, that must be respected by all. So the government will respect the letter and spirit of whatever is written there. If there is clear mentioning of integration in the army, then that must be done. If it is written combatants should be integrated in the security forces, then this requires more elaboration and clarification.

What do you think the agreements say?

I have not gone deeply into it.

But you helped draft those agreements. You know what is written!

When the issue will come up… but I have made it clear, whatever is written, we will implement.

The problem is there are so many interpretations and this is fueling mistrust. The Indian ambassador [Rakesh Sood] has given his own interpretation that there should only be “integration into society”, not army. Mr. Koirala and K.P. Oli say no integration. So will your line prevail or that of Mr. Koirala and Mr. Sood and Mr. Oli?

All these discussions should take place in the special committee. That is the proper place. But the Maoists are creating hurdles there.

But you are insisting on being the chair.

Because I am the PM. Also, remember, they are the party whose combatants need to be properly managed. It doesn’t seem proper if they should take the chair of the committee. It will smooth the way to do all things properly if I am there, if a third person takes charge of running the committee. This will help the Maoists.

I come back to the issue of trust deficit. Recently, you said 5000 PLA soldiers could be integrated in the Army. Then you backtracked. People say this was after some generals came to see you.

No army generals up to now came to me and asked anything. In those comments, I had just mentioned what [Maoist leader] Prachanda had told to me about how many PLA combatants should be integrated in the Army.

How worried are you about the law and order situation in the Tarai? There are said to be more than 100 armed groups operating.

I am worried. Our government has made a plan to deal with it properly. We have to distinguish between criminal groups and those that have political ideology behind them. The latter need to be brought in ambit of peace process. As for those groups which are criminal, they must be dealt with sternly. Abductions, killings, extortion, don tendencies should not be tolerated. And we need the cooperation of India.

One of the complaints Indian officials had about Prachanda when he was prime minister was that they felt he was trying to play the ‘China card’. What is your assessment of his foreign policy?

I think we should not play any cards against others.

Is that what you think Prachanda was doing?

I can’t say about him, it is not good that I should just raise any charges against him. But our policy should be transparent and clear. We don’t like to see any activities inside Nepal against our neighbours. And we don’t have to play against each other. We have to take our neighbours into confidence. We are real and genuine friends of India and Nepal cannot have a peaceful environment until it takes the confidence of all neighbours. So we don’t have to play Chinese card against India and Indian cards against China. Why do that? This would be a very sectarian and short-term strategy. It is not good.

So equidistance would also be your approach?

I don’t think mentioning the word equidistance will be good. We have to take maximum advantage of our geographic location. Nepal borders India from three sides. What we can achieve from India cannot be achieved to that extent from China. But we have to keep in mind Nepal is an independent, sovereign country. The sentiment and patriotism of the Nepali people should be taken into account. Otherwise there are people who can create controversies and rumours against friendly countries.

Does India take Nepal for granted? Your visit will be the umpteenth by a Nepali prime minister to Delhi. But the last time an Indian Prime Minister paid an official bilateral visit to Kathmandu was I.K. Gujral in 1997.

The political instability here may be one of the reasons. And we may not have tried hard enough to invite friendly country prime ministers to come. So we have to think about that. We have to see the visits should be reciprocal.

If there is a possibility of forming a national government to complete the peace process with Maoist participation or even leadership, would you be prepared to give up power?

This government is supported by 22 parties and they are part of the government. If it is possible, the Maoists should enter into this alliance or join the government. But Maoists are reluctant. They are willing to be in opposition. That is ok, if they have that sort of desire, they can sit in opposition. It need not be a worry that they are not in the government. My government has the support of a comfortable majority and we should not worry. 22 parties have agreed on a common minimum programme. So why all this talk about a national government? We have to accept the rules of the game. That if you have the majority, you form the government. And we have the majority. Earlier, they were in the government because they had a majority. So my government is a national government. It is not an anti-national government or semi-national government. It is a full-fledged national government. The Maoists should accept it. They should not have this pain in their heart that they are outside of government. This is of their own doing. This opposition phobia should not be there.

Source: The Hindu, India

Imagine Nepal in lasting peace, and free of poverty. Nepal - where quality of life guarantees human dignity for every children, women and men.

But the reality, however, is that every year 10,500 children die, before their fifth birthday, from water related diseases caused by lack of safe water and effective sanitation services. Women and girls in rural areas travel long distances to fetch a bucket of water. In doing so, girls often miss schools and also fall sick at times. Many urban communities face acute water shortages. Water bodies are increasingly threatened by pollution as you can see from the rivers around you. Despite its importance to public health improvements, poverty reduction and environmental protection, sanitation has had a low profile when compared to water . Simply put, water and sanitation sector is in a stage of moral “crisis” – a crisis which does not capture national headlines, but I think the one that can be more catastrophic in the longer run.

Safe water, effective sanitation and hygiene services are basic human rights, which underpin health, education and livelihoods, forming the first, essential step in overcoming poverty. Nepal is rich in water reso urces and in people with the technical knowledge to provide these services and yet 54% of people remain without access to sanitation and 24% without water (these coverage figures, however, are highly contested due to lack of an acceptable definition). What this situation implies is the need to improve the sector performance.

At a time when Nepal is drafting a new Constitution, how do you see the importance to include water and sanitation as a fundamental right?

Despite being consistently cited as one of the top priorities by poor communities in advancing their lives, sanitation and water have received less priority in development agenda and national plans. With the right political will, resources and drive it is possible to ensure water and sanitation for all and to thereby enable people to a healthy life and a life with dignity.

Nepal is going through a critical period in its history. The preparation of a new Constitution provides a unique opportunity to include water and sanitation as a basic human right. We are working closely with the civil society, through end water poverty campaign, to push for this fundamental right of the people. The engagement of civil society organizations in South Asian Conference on Sanitation (SACOSAN) III was instrumental in recognizing the right to sanitation and water in the official declaration . The results of end water poverty campaign thus far have been encouraging and we are certain that, with concerted effort, this objective will be realized.

How will federal structure affect sharing of water resources?

As Nepal gears towards the design of federal structure, another issue at stake is discourse on water resources planning and management – who controls water resources, how decisions are made in the allocation and sharing of water resources, how will deprivation of, and inequality in, water resources addressed? These issues need urgent attention and only with critical thinking, analysis and shared learning, will Nepal be able to respond to these new challenges that are in front of us.

Can you pls explain the kinds of programmes WaterAid Nepal has been implementing?

As the only INGO in Nepal that exclusively focuses on water, sanitation and hygiene, WaterAid Nepal works with its partners on demonstration projects. It has a 20 years history in Nepal during which it has successfully tapped a growing number of NGOs and civil society to provide access to a range of experience, innovation and advocacy in the sector.

Over the past couple of years, it has been building a stronger policy focus and quality documentation of its work to meaningfully contribute to sector development and influence sector policies and practices based on learning and evidence from the ground. In others words, WaterAid Nepal is gradually building itself as a credible sector catalyst.
 

What is your experience of leading and managing development programmes?

Responsive, accountable and transparent institutions of governance are often the missing link between policies and practices. Even when a country seeks to implement pro-poor national policies and target its interventions, faulty governance can nullify the impact. So to get effective services delivered on the ground, reforms of governance institutions, both at the supply and demand side, need to be emphasized. For this, capacity development for enhancing governance effectiveness is central to improve the ability and authority of leaders, governments and public organizations to realize development results.

When national or local governments don’t respond to development priorities or are less unresponsive, people rely on civil society organizations to hold leaders, governments and public organizations to account. The goal is not for civil society is to take over the legitimate functions of the state, but to forge, on behalf of the poor, a strategic alliance between three organs of the state (legislative, executive and judiciary) and people so that the state effectively behaves in responding to the rights and priorities of citizens.

How do you think sector governance can be improved then?

Holding service providers accountable to meet the peoples’ development priorities - in the context of water and sanitation - the basic rights on water and sanitation is a bottom line requirement. Opening up service providers to users’ participation and building partnership with civil societies will foster transparency and accountability. Institutional monitoring and evaluation that tie financing to performance can also enhance accountability.
I would promote and advocate for the following fundamentals as essential: (a) including the right to water and sanitation in the new Constitution, (b) preparing a coordinated sector effectiveness development programme, (c) increased and better sector financing, (d) policy focus on sanitation and hygiene, (e) clear distinction of institutional roles and responsibilities, (f) enabling and strengthening participation of all stakeholders in policy and practice dialogue, (g) joint peer reviews on sector performance and identifying barriers that impede access, (h) ensuring that poor and excluded people benefit from services, and (i) strengthening knowledge management in the sector.

www.nepalnews.com

विगतमा बचतको व्याजदर अत्यधिक कम भएका कारण देशको पूँजि पलायन भई बैकिंग क्षेत्रमा तरलताको अभाव भएको घटनाबाट शिक्षा लिनुपर्दछ ।

कोषको प्रशासकको पदसम्म् पुग्न कसरी सफल हुनुभयो ?
त्रिभुवन विश्वविद्यालय, कीर्तिपुरबाट एमबीएको पढाइ पूरा हुनासाथ विश्वविद्यालयको शिक्षण पेसा वा नेपाल राष्ट्र बैंकको सेवामा प्रवेश गर्ने इच्छा थियो, तत्काल त्यस्तो अवसर भएन। सञ्चय कोष पनि वित्तीय क्षेत्रको राम्रो संस्था हो भन्न सुनेको थिएँ।

त्यस बेला अपर्झ मेरो आँखा गोरखापत्रमा प्रकाशित एउटा विज्ञापनमा पर्न गयो। कोषको शाखा अधिकृत पदका लागि रहेछ। दरखास्त दिएँ, लिखित परीक्षा राम्रो भयो, अन्तर्वार्तामा पनि सफल भएँ। नियुक्ति पाइसकेपछि कोषमा कार्यरत सहकर्मीहरूसँगको छोटो समयको सहकार्यबाट नै मलाई लाग्यो, कोषमा मेरो वृत्ति विकास सुनिश्चित छ।

मैले अन्यत्र जाने सोच बनाइनँ। निष्ठा र लगनका साथ सेवालाई निरन्तरता दिँदै म कोषको प्रशासक पदसम्म पुग्न सफल भएको जस्तो लाग्छ।

आर्थिक मन्दीले नेपालको बैंक तथा वित्तीय क्षेत्रलाई कस्तो असर गर्ने देख्नुभएको छ ?
आर्थिक अन्तर्निभरताको वर्तमान विश्वमा मन्दीले कुनै पनि देशलाई असर नपर्ने त कुरै भएन। खालि त्यस्तो असरको मात्रा कति हुन्छ भन्ने मात्र हो। विकसित देशमा यसको असर बढी देखिएको छ।

गतिशील बजेटको माध्यमद्वारा आर्थिक विकासलाई तीव्रता दिन भइरहेको प्रयासका बाजजुद पनि गत वर्षो तुलनामा यस वर्षनिर्यात व्यापार र पर्यटक आवगमनमा कमी, होटलको अँकुपेन्सी’ घट्नु आदिका कारण नेपालमा पनि विश्व आर्थिक मन्दीको केही असर परिरहेको अनुभूति हुन्छ। हाम्रो देश भौगोलिक रूपमा भारत र चीनजस्ता दुइ ठूला अर्थतन्त्रका बीचमा रहेकाले ती देशमा पर्ने असरको प्रभावबाट हाम्रो देश मुक्त रहन सजिलो छैन।

मन्दीको प्रभाव कम गर्न कस्तो रणनीति बनाउनुपर्ला ?
तत्काललाई सुरक्षित्र देखिए तापनि अनियन्त्रित र आधाररहित रूपमा मूल्य बढी रहेको घरजग्गाजस्तो क्षेत्रमा कर्जा केन्द्रित गर्दा यसको नकारात्मक परिणाम आउन बेर लाग्दैन। बिनाआधार बजार मूल्य कायम भइरहेको शेयर प्रमाणपत्रको धितोमा प्रवाह भएको कर्जा पनि धेरै जोखिमयुक्त छ।

तर्सथ, कर्जा लगानीका उपयुक्त क्षेत्रहरूको पहिचान र निर्ण्र्प्रक्रियामा पर्याप्त र्सतर्कता अपनाउनु नै बैंकिङ क्षेत्रको बुद्धिमानी हुन्छ। यसका लागि नेपाल राष्ट्र बैंकले केही नयाँ प्रुँडेन्सियल नर्मस्’ जारी गर्न उचित हुन्छ। व्रिरेषणमा हुने गिरावटले बैकको तरलतामा असर पर्न सक्दछ। तर्सथ देशभित्रकै पुँजी परिचालन गर्न साना वचतकर्तालाई प्र्रोत्साहन गर्ने गरी वचतको ब्याज दरमा सुधार गर्न आवश्यक छ। विगतमा वचतको ब्याजदर अत्यधिक कम भएका कारण देशको पुँजी पलायन भई बैकिङ क्षेत्रमा तरलताको अभाव भएको घटनाबाट शिक्षा लिनुपर्दछ।

आफनो प्रतिस्पर्धात्मक क्षमतामा अभिवृद्धि गर्दै लिने दिने ब्याजदरमा रहेको अत्यधिक फरकलाई कम गर्दै जानुपर्दछ। संस्थागत निक्षेपमा निर्भर रहेका बैंक वित्तीय संस्थाले समयमै आफनो निक्षेपको आधारशीला बढाउन कोसिस नगर्ने हो भने यस्ता बैंक वित्तीय संस्थाहरूलाई तरलता व्यवस्थापनमा धेरै ठूलो समस्या आउन सक्छ। संक्षेपमा, निक्षेपको आन्तरिक आधारशीला बढाउन सक्ने, कर्जाको विश्लेषण र कर्जाको क्षेत्र पहिचानमा र्सतर्कता लिन सक्ने र निक्षेप र कर्जाको दरमा रहेको अन्तरलाई न्यून गर्दै वचतकर्ताको मन जित्न सक्ने देखिन्छ।

साथै, विदेशी मुद्राको संचिती सम्भव भएसम्म आफनै देशको केन्द्रिय बैंकमा सीमित गर्ने बैंक वित्तीय संस्थामाथि विश्व आर्थिक मन्दीको असर कम हुन सक्छ भन्ने मलाई लाग्छ।

कोषसँग पर्याप्त रकम रहेको छ, कस्ता आयोजनामा लगानी रहेको छ ?
२०६५ आषाढ मसान्तमा कोषमा ६२ अर्ब ७९ करोड ३९ लाख रुपियाँ र जगेडा कोष ३ अर्ब ७२ करोड ९ लाख र अन्य दायित्व तथा व्यवस्था १ अर्ब ८२ करोड ३४ लाख गरी कुल ६८ अर्ब ३३ करोड ८१ लाख रुपियाँ कुल स्रोत रहेको छ। कोषको स्रोतमा वाषिर्क औषत १४ प्रतिशतका दरले वृद्धि भइरहेको छ।

कुल स्रोतमध्ये ६३ अर्ब ४९ करोड ६३ लाख रुपियाँ ऋण तथा लगानीमा, ४५ करोड ७० लाख रुपियाँ स्थिर सम्पत्तिमा र बाँकी ४ अर्ब ३८ करोड ४८ लाख रुपियाँ चालू सम्पत्तिमा उपयोग भएको छ। कोषको कुल ऋण तथा लगानीमध्ये, सञ्चयकर्ता सापटीमा ४७ प्रतिशत, बैंकको मुद्दती निक्षेपमा ३८ प्रतिशत, सरकारी वचतपत्र तथा ऋणपत्रमा ८ प्रतिशत, परियोजना कर्जामा ५ प्रतिशत र बैंक तथा वित्तीय संस्थाको शेयर एवम् भवन निर्माण तथा आवासको क्षेत्रमा २ प्रतिशत रहेको छ।

कोषले प्रवाह गरेको कुल ऋण तथा लगानीमा परियोजना कर्जातर्फो अंश ५ प्रतिशतको हाराहारीमा मात्र रहेको छ। कोषले खास गरी जलविद्युत्, शिक्षा, स्वास्थ्य, पर्यटन, आवास तथा उत्पादनमूलक उद्योगतर्फा परियोजनाहरूमा कर्जा प्रवाह गरेको छ। नेपाल सरकारको स्वामित्वमा रहेको नेपाल आयल निगम र नेपाल वायुसेवा निगममा समेत सुरक्षाको प्रत्याभूति लिएर कोषले कर्जा प्रवाह गरेको छ।

घरजग्गा क्षेत्र अहिले जोखिममा रहेको अवस्थामा कोषको यो क्षेत्रमा कति लगानी रहेको छ ?
कोषले सञ्चयकर्ताको हितमा वि.सं. २०५७ सालमा सञ्चयकर्ता घर सापटी कार्यक्रम लागू गरेको छ। यस कार्यक्रमअर्न्तगत सञ्चयकर्ताले घर निर्माण गर्न तला थप गर्न वा घर खरिद गर्न धितो मूल्यांकनका आधारमा अधिकतम १० वर्षो शुरु तलबबराबरको रकम सापटी लिन सक्ने व्यवस्था रहेको छ।

विद्युत् कटौतीको मार खेपिरहेका नेपाली जनतालाई ५ वर्षछि यस्तो असुविधा नरहने स्थितिको विकास हुन सक्छ, विद्युत् विकासका कारण देशको औद्योगिक विकासमा मद्दत हुन्छ, देशको आर्थिक विकासमा पर्याप्त योगदान हुन्छ। यसरी यस परियोजनामा हुने कोषको लगानीले समग्र क्षेत्रमा योगदान हुनेछ।

हाल यो कार्यक्रम काठमाडौं उपत्यकालगायत उपत्यकाबाहिरका विभिन्न नगरपालिकाका कोषले तोकेको मापदण्ड पूरा भएका निश्चित क्षेत्रमा लागू भएको छ। यस कार्यक्रमबाट हालसम्म कोषका १० हजारभन्दा बढी सञ्चयकर्ता लाभान्वित भइसकेका छन्। यो क्षेत्रमा कोषबाट करिब ४ अर्ब ५० करोड रुपियाँ कर्जा प्रवाह भएको छ।

कोषमा सञ्चयकर्ताबाट संकलित रकम कोषमा कति छ ?
कोषको वित्तीय अवस्था मजबुत छ। सञ्चयकर्ताबाट संकलित रकम २०६५ आषाढ मसान्तमा ६२ अर्ब ७९ करोड ३९ लाख रुपियाँ पुगेको छ। यसका अतिरिक्त कोषमा ३ अर्ब ७२ करोड ९ लाख रुपियाँ संचित जगेडा रहेको छ।

कोषले आफनै स्रोतबाट सञ्चयकर्ताको हितमा सञ्चयकर्ता अतिरिक्त सुविधा, दुघटना क्षतिपूर्ति योजना, काजक्रिया खर्च योजनाजस्ता सामाजिक सुरक्षण कार्यक्रम सञ्चालन गरेको छ।

माथिल्लो तामाकोसी जलविद्युत्मा किन १२ अर्ब रुपियाँ लगानी गर्नुभएको हो ?
कोषले तामाकोसी जलविद्युत् परियोजनाको निर्माणका लागि १० अर्ब रुपियाँ कर्जा प्रवाह गर्ने र बढीमा २ अर्ब रुपियाँको डिबेन्चर खरिद गर्ने सैद्धान्त्क निर्ण्र्गरेको छ। तर हालसम्म् कर्जा प्रवाह भइसकेको छैन। तामाकोसी जलविद्युत् परियोजना सबै दृष्टिले कोषको लगानीका लागि आकर्ष रहेको छ।

यस परियोजनामा प्रवाह हुने कर्जाको सुरक्षाको निमित्त कोषलाई नेपाल सरकारको स्वीकृतिमा नेपाल विद्युत् प्राधिकरणको स्वामित्वमा रहेका कर्जाको कम्तीमा १ सय ५० प्रतिशत मूल्यांकन हुने परियोजना धितोको रूपमा प्राप्त हुन्छ। कोषबाट १५ वर्षा लागि राम्रो ब्याजदरमा कर्जा प्रवाह हुने हुँदा यसबाट कोषलाई दीघकालीन प्रतिफल प्राप्त भइरहन्छ।

शेयर पुँजीको २० प्रतिशत कर्मचारी सञ्चय कोषका ४ लाख २५ हजार सञ्चयकर्ताका लागि सुरक्षित गरिएको हुँदा हाम्रा सञ्चयकर्ताहरूले परियोजनाको प्रवर्द्धनमा सहभागी भएर दीघकालीन लाभ प्राप्त गर्ने अवसर पाउनुहुन्छ।

विद्युत् कटौतीको मार खेपिरहेका नेपाली जनतालाई ५ वर्षछि यस्तो असुविधा नरहने स्थितिको विकास हुन सक्छ, विद्युत् विकासका कारण देशको औद्योगिक विकासमा मद्दत हुन्छ, देशको आर्थिक विकासमा पर्याप्त योगदान हुन्छ। यसरी यस परियोजनामा हुने कोषको लगानीले समग्र क्षेत्रमा योगदान हुनेछ।

कोषमा सञ्चयकर्ता संख्या कति पुग्यो ?
निजामती, जंगी, प्रहरी, शिक्षकलगायतका राष्ट्र सेवकका अतिरिक्त र्सार्वजनिक संस्थान तथा निजी क्षेत्रका कामदार तथा कर्मचारीसमेत हाल कोषमा आबद्ध सञ्चयकर्ताको संख्या करिब ४ लाख २६ हजार रहेको छ।

निजी क्षेत्रका कर्मचारीको संख्या न्यून छ। आगामी ५ वर्षा निजी क्षेत्रका २ लाख ५० हजार कर्मचारीलाई कोषमा आबद्ध गर्ने हाम्रो लक्ष्य रहेको छ।

कोषले कस्ता नयँ कार्यक्रम लिएको छ ?
नेपाल सरकार, अर्थ मन्त्रालय र कोषका प्रशासक बीच कोषका सञ्चालक समितिका अध्यक्षको रोहवरमा मिति २०६५ माघ २१ गते हस्ताक्षर भएको समझदारीपत्र तथा कार्यसम्पादन सम्झौताले कोषको आगामी ५ वर्षो रणनीति, कार्यक्रम र कार्यदीशा सुनिश्चित गरेको छ।

यस सम्झौताले राष्ट्रिय सामाजिक सुरक्षण प्रदायकको अग्रणी भूमिकाद्वारा कोषलाई अन्तर्राष्ट्रियस्तरको सामाजिक सुरक्षण संस्थाको रूपमा स्थापित गर्ने’ लक्ष कोषले लिएको हुँदा सो लक्ष प्राप्त गर्न सहयोगीको भूमिका निर्वाह हुने रणनीति कोषले निरूपण गरेको छ।

Nepal Samacharpatra

लोडसेडिङ बढ्नुको कारण के हो ?
हामी अहिले पीडाजनक अवस्थामा छौँ । विद्युत्को माग र आपूर्तिका दृष्टिले यस्तो पीडाजनक अवस्था आएको हो । असैह्य पीडा विद्युत्का उपभोक्ताले बेहोर्नु परिरहेको छ । यो परिस्थिति अहिलेको सरकारको निर्णयका कारण आएको होइन । विगतमा हामीले गर्नुपर्ने काम गर्न नसकेका कारण यस्तो अवस्था आएको हो । खासगरी दसौं योजनामा लक्ष्यअनुसारको उपलब्धि हात लाग्न सकेन । योजनाले गरेको लक्ष्य पूरा भएको भए आज विद्युत् आपूर्तिको दयनीय अवस्था आउने थिएन ।

सबै जिम्मेवारी दसौं योजनामाथि थोपर्न मिल्छ ?
हामी अहिले मागअनुसारको विद्युत् आपूर्ति कसरी गर्ने भन्ने दृष्टिकोणबाट काम गर्दै छौँ । सरकार मुलुकलाई लोडसेडिङमुक्त पार्न चाहन्छ । यो विषयमा सरकार अत्यन्तै गम्भीर भएर लागेको छ । विभिन्न कदमहरू चलिरहेका छौँ । मन्त्रिपरिषद्ले राष्ट्रिय विद्युत् संकट निरूपण कार्ययोजना २०६५ पारित गरेको छ । अहिले त्यसको प्रभावकारी कार्यान्वयनका लागि सरकार लागेको छ ।

कार्ययोजनाले तोकेअनुसार काम हुन्छ त ?
हामी अहिले कार्ययोजनाले तोकेका कामलाई निर्धारित समयमा सक्ने तयारीका साथ जुटेका छौँ । कुन काम कति समयमा कुन संस्थाले गर्ने भन्ने मिति कार्ययोजनामा प्रस्ट छ । त्यसअनुरूप निर्धारित काम समयभित्रै गर्ने हिसाबले हाम्रो शक्तिलाई परिचालित गरिरहेको छौँ । प्रभावकारी रूपमा कार्ययोजनालाई अगाडि बढाउन हामीले अनुगमनमा समेत ध्यान दिएका छौँ । जस्तोसुकै मूल्य चुकाएर भए पनि कार्ययोजनाअनुसारको काम गर्ने अठोट लिएका छौँ ।

थर्मलप्लान्ट ल्याएपछि सबै कुरा ठीक हुन्छ त ?
हामीले थर्मलप्लान्ट ल्याउनासाथ सबै समस्या समाधान हुन्छ भनेका छैनौँ । तापीय ऊर्जामा जाने कुरा बजेटमा आएको छ । बजेटले नै ऊर्जा क्षेत्रका समस्या सम्बोधनका लागि विकल्पको रूपमा तापीय ऊर्जा अगाडि सारेको छ । बजेट-वक्तव्यलाई व्यवस्थापिका संसद्ले पारित पनि गरेको थियो । ऊर्जाको दृष्टिकोणले मुलुक संकटपूर्ण अवस्थामा आयो । संकटबाट पार पाउन सबै खालका विकल्पबारे सोच्नु नै पर्दथ्यो । अरू सबै विकल्पबाट तत्काल समस्या समाधान नभएपछि विकल्पको रूपमा थर्मलप्लान्टको कुरा अगाडि आएको हो ।

थर्मलप्लान्ट राख्ने विषयमा मन्त्रिपरिषद्बाट निर्णय भएको छ, होइन त ?
ऊर्जाका अरू स्रोतबाट आपूर्ति नभएपछि मन्त्रिपरिषद्को बैठकले तापीय ऊर्जालाई विकल्पको रूपमा अगाडि सारेको हो । सरकारको सोच आफैंले थर्मलप्लान्ट राख्नेभन्दा हामीलाई आवश्यक परेको ऊर्जा निजीक्षेत्रले थर्मलप्लान्ट राखेर दिन सक्छ भने किन्ने भन्नेमा बढी केन्दि्रत थियो । हामीले चर्को लोडसेडिङको मार पुस, माघ र फागुनमा खेप्नुपर्ने देखिन्छ । यस अवधिमा हामीले अरू विकल्पलाई पनि प्रभावकारी बनाएका छौँ । यस अवधिबाहेकका महिनामा लोडसेडिङलाई उल्लेख्य मात्रामा घटाउन सकिन्छ ।

निजीक्षेत्र थर्मलप्लान्ट राख्न सहमत भयो त ?
मन्त्रिपरिषद्को निर्णयपछि हामीले धेरै अन्तर्त्रिया गर्‍यौँ । हामीलाई चाहिएको अवस्थामा थर्मलप्लान्टबाट निजीक्षेत्रले विद्युत् उपलब्ध गराउने सम्भावना निकै कम देखियो । सरकार आफैंले थर्मलप्लान्ट राख्ने निर्णय नगरेका कारण अहिले थर्मलप्लान्टबाट विद्युत् आपूर्ति हुन सक्ने अवस्था पनि छैन । राष्ट्रिय विद्युत् संकट निरूपण कार्ययोजना अघि सारेका छौँ । ३५ बुँदे निर्णय गरेका छौँ । त्यसका लागि सरकार आफैंले थर्मलप्लान्ट सञ्चालन गरेर विद्युत् वितरण सम्भव छैन ।

अहिलेको पद्धतिलाई सुधार गर्ने हो भने केही मेगावाट विद्युत् थप्न सकिन्छ, होइन ?
जलविद्युत् परियोजनाहरू बिग्रेर राम्रोसँग नचलेकोभन्दा पनि खोलामा पानीको बहाव कम भएकाले उत्पादन घटेको हो । कालीगण्डकी/मस्र्याङ्दीको कुरा गर्नुस् वा अरू परियोजनाको । अहिले कुरा गर्दा केही प्लान्ट मर्मतसम्भार गर्नुपर्ने देखिएको छ । त्यो मर्मतसम्भारको प्रक्रियालाई पनि हामीले तीव्रताका साथ अगाडि बढाएका छौँ । त्यसमा कुनै प्रकारको कमजोरी हुन नदिन सम्बन्धित निकायका पदाधिकारिलाई खटाएका छौँ । पानीको बहाव बढ्ने हो भने अहिलेको भन्दा बढी विद्युत् उत्पादन गर्न सकिन्छ । यसको तात्पर्य केही परियोजनाहरूमा मर्मत गर्नुपर्ने अवस्था नरहेको भन्ने होइन ।

पिपिएका कारण नयाँ आयोजना आउन ढिला भयो भनिन्छ नि ?
यो अत्यन्त सान्दर्भिक प्रश्न हो । पावर पर्चेज एगि्रमेन्टका सन्दर्भमा लामो समयदेखि निजीक्षेत्रको गुनासो रहेको थियो । विद्युत् प्राधिकरणले निर्धारण गरेको विद्युत् खरिदमूल्यमा परियोजना निर्माण र विकास गर्न सक्दैनौँ । त्यसले हामीलाई न्यूनतम प्रतिफल पनि दिन सक्दैन भन्ने निजीक्षेत्रबाट संगठित आवाज आइरहेको थियो । उहाँहरूको गुनासोलाई गम्भीरताका साथ लिएर विद्युत् प्राधिकरणले पिपिएको सन्दर्भमा प्रचलित व्यवस्थामा पुनरावलोकन गर्न कमिटी गठन गर्‍यो । त्यो कमिटीको सिफारिसमा हामीले पिपिएका सन्दर्भमा नयाँ निर्णय लिएका छौँ । त्यो निर्णय धेरै हिसाबले महत्त्वपूर्ण छ । पाँच मेगावाटसम्मका आयोजनालाई साना आयोजना भन्ने धारणालाई परिवर्तन गरेर १० मेगावाटसम्मका लागि साना आयोजनामा राखेका छौँ ।

त्यसो भए विद्युत् खरिदमूल्य बढेको हो ?
हामीले निजीक्षेत्रबाट विद्युत् खरिदमा दिँदै आएको दर पनि बढाएका छौँ । बर्खायाममा प्रतियुनिट चार रुपैयाँ र सुख्खायाममा सात रुपैयाँ दिने निर्णय गरेका छौँ । यो दरमा तीन प्रतिशतको स्कालेसन पनि दिने निर्णय गरेका छौँ । यो सबै हेर्दा पिपिएको प्रक्रियाले गति लिन्छ । ऊर्जा क्षेत्रमा काम गर्ने धेरैले पिपिएको प्रक्रिया झन्झटिलो भएको बताएका छन् । पिपिए गर्दा अनावश्यक समय लाग्छ र पारदर्शी पनि छैन भन्ने गुनासो छ । हामीले त्यसलाई पनि सहजीकरण गरेका छौँ ।

अझै पनि पिपिए गर्न सजिलो छैन भन्ने छ त ?
पिपिएका निम्ति वषौं कुर्नुपर्ने अवस्था थियो । आयोजना निर्माण भएर विद्युत् उत्पादन थाल्ने समयसम्मसमेत पिपिए नहुने अवस्था थियो । त्यस्तो खालको ढिलासुस्तीको अन्त्यका लागि नेपाल विद्युत् प्राधिकरणले एउटा निर्णय गरेको छ । यो निर्णयअनुसार आवेदन दिएको ९९ दिनभित्र पिपिएबारे निर्णय गरिसक्नुपर्ने व्यवस्था गरेका छौँ । नयाँ तरिकाले आयोजना सञ्चालन गर्दा परियोजना क्षमता बढ्ने र औसत लागत घट्ने निर्णयमा हामी पुगेका छौँ । पिपिएको दर बढेको छ । यो दरमा चित्त नबुझाउनेको संख्या पनि छ । यस्तो गुनासोलाई नाजायज भन्न पनि सकिँदैन । यही दरमा नयाँ योजना सञ्चालनमा जान सकिन्छ भन्ने सोच धेरैको छ । स्कालेसनका कारण पनि जलविद्युत् क्षेत्रमा लगानीको आकर्षण बढ्ने छ । यस्ता निर्णयले नयाँ परियोजनाहरू पिपिएको प्रक्रियामा आउनेछन् । यो प्रक्रियालाई विनाविलम्ब पारदर्शी रूपमा अगाडि बढाइन्छ ।

प्रसारण लाइनको समस्याले पनि विद्युत् विकासमा बाधा पुर्‍याएको छ, होइन ?
प्रसारण लाइनको क्षेत्रमा समेत हामी नाजुक अवस्थामा छौँ । विद्युत्को उत्पादन, प्रसारण र वितरण प्रणालीलाई सँगसँगै अगाडि बढाउनुपर्ने आवश्यकता छ । विचाराधीन विद्युत् ऐनमा हामीले विशेष व्यवस्था गर्न खोजेका छौँ । प्रसारण लाइन अत्यन्त गम्भीर अवस्थामा रहेको देखिन्छ । हामीसँग एउटा मात्रै दुई सय २० केभीको क्रसबोर्डर प्रसारण लाइन भएको भए लोडसेडिङको यो स्थिति आउने थिएन । विद्युत् आयात गरेर भए पनि लोडसेडिङ हटाउन सकिन्थ्यो ।

आन्तरिक रूपमा प्रसारण लाइन नबनाएर किन क्रसबोर्डर लाइन चाहियो ?
हाम्रो आवश्यकता क्रसबोर्डर ट्रान्समिसन लाइनको पनि हो । नेपाल-भारतबीच यस्तो लाइन बनाउन ढिला भइसकेको छ । यसबाट आवश्यक भएको वेलामा हामी भारतबाट विद्युत् लिन सक्छौँ । हाम्रो आफ्नै प्रसारण प्रणालीलाई व्यवस्थित गर्ने खालको ट्रान्समिसन लाइनको सञ्जाल पनि निर्माण हुन सकेको छैन । विभिन्न नदीबाट उत्पादकले उत्पादन गरेको बिजुली प्रणालीमा आधारित भएर राष्ट्रिय प्रसारण लाइनमा जोड्न सक्ने अवस्था छैन । हामीले प्रसारण लाइन निर्माणका लागि आठ अर्ब रुपैयाँ छुट्याएका छौँ । अहिले भरतपुर-हेटौंडा दुई सय २० केभीको प्रसारण लाइन निर्माणको अवस्थामा छ । अन्य प्रसारण लाइनलाई पनि हामी प्राथमिकताका साथ अगाडि बढाउँछौँ ।

लगानीमैत्री वातावरण नभएका कारण नयाँ आयोजना नआएका हुन् ?
नयाँ आयोजना अगाडि बढाउन हामीले लगानीमैत्री वातावरण निर्माणको प्रयास थालेका छौँ । क्रमशः लगानीमैत्री वातावरण बन्दै गएको छ । विदेशी लगानीकर्ताको ध्यान दुईवटा विषयमा जाने गरेको छ । उनीहरू लगानीको प्रतिफल पाइन्छ कि पाइँदैन भन्ने विषयमा निकै सचेत छन् । अर्को, काम गर्ने वातावरणको विषयमा पनि उनीहरूले उत्तिकै चासो राख्दै आएका छन् । लगानीमैत्री वातावरण निर्माणको पक्षमा अहिले सरकार लागेको छ । हाम्रो भूमिकालाई अझै प्रभावकारी बनाउनुपर्ने आवश्यकता छ । शान्तिसुरक्षालाई अझ सुदृढ बनाएर लैजानुपर्ने अवस्था छ । यसो गर्न सकिए नयाँ आयोजनामा लगानी बढेर जान्छ ।

आयोजना अगाडि बढाउन नेपाल विद्युत् प्राधिकरणको क्षमतामाथि प्रश्न लाग्ने गरेको छ नि ?
मध्यमस्र्याङ्दी समय र लागतको हिसाबले हाम्रा लागि नकारात्मक ‘मिसाइल‘ हो । यो आयोजनालाई अनुकरणीय आयोजनाको रूपमा हेर्न सकिँदैन । यसको अनुभवबाट नसिक्ने हो भने जलस्रोतको विकास हाम्रा लागि धेरै खर्चिलो भएर जानेछ । यो आयोजनामा देखिएका कमजोरी अब दोहोरिन दिनु पनि हुँदैन । ठीक समयमा सही निर्णय लिन सक्यौँ कि सकेनौँ भन्ने विषयमा पनि हामीले निष्पक्ष भएर मूल्यांकन गर्नुपर्छ । हामीले विदेशी सहयोग र अनुदान लिँदा गम्भीर भएर सोच्नुपर्ने देखिएको छ । सहयोगको प्रतिफल अधिक रूपमा नेपालले पाउन सक्छ भन्ने कुरा सुनिश्चित नभई विदेशी सहयोग लिनुहुँदैन । सहयोग लिने विषयमा निकै होसियार हुनुपर्ने देखिएको छ । मध्यमस्र्याङ्दी होसियार नभई सुरु गरिएको एउटा आयोजना हो । यसका नकारात्मक प्रवृत्तिबाट हामी जोगिनुपर्छ ।

लाइसेन्स होल्ड भएका कारण आयोजना आउन सकेनन् भनिन्छ नि ?
विगतमा जलविद्युत् क्षेत्रमा लगानी आकर्षण थिएन । त्यतिवेला यस क्षेत्रमा लगानी आकर्षण गर्न गरिएका व्यवस्था अहिले पनि कायम छन् । मापदण्ड पूरा गरेकालाई अनुमतिपत्र दिने चलन छ । यो मापदण्ड राम्रो पनि छ । तर, मुख्य कुरा अनुमति पाएपछि निर्धारित समयमा आयोजना निर्माण भए-नभएको विषयमा अनुगमन गर्ने चलन थिएन । अहिले अनुगमनलाई प्रभावकारी रूपमा अगाडि बढाइएको छ । समयमा आयोजना निर्माण नगर्नेको अनुमतिपत्र खारेज गर्ने सोचमा हामी पुगेका छौँ । यसका लागि पारदर्शी प्रक्रिया अगाडि बढाइनेछ ।

लोडसेडिङ कहिलेसम्ममा हट्छ ?
सबै प्रकारका प्रयास अगाडि बढाएका छौँ । काठमाडौं उपत्यकामा भएको फोहोरबाट बिजुली उत्पादन गरेर प्राधिकरणलाई दिएमा किन्ने निर्णय गरेका छौँ । निजीक्षेत्रका उद्योगले कारखाना चलाउँदा निस्केको बिजुली किन्ने निर्णय गरेका छौँ । सौर्य ऊर्जाका उपकरणलाई ग्रामीण क्षेत्रमा दिँदै आएको छुट सहरी क्षेत्रमा पनि दिने निर्णय गरेका छौँ । हावाबाट बिजुली निकाल्ने सम्भावनालाई अगाडि बढाएका छौँ । यी सबै प्रयासका अलावा ०६८ सम्म निर्माण हुने आयोजनाले वन मन्त्रालयबाट स्वीकृति लिन नपर्ने व्यवस्था गरिएको छ । अहिले वन मन्त्रालयका कारण पनि आयोजना सञ्चालनमा विलम्ब भएको गुनासो आएकाले यसो गरेका हौँ ।

घोषणाले मात्र विद्युत् उत्पादन हुन्छ त ?
आज अगाडि बढाएका कामबाट भोलि नै लोडसेडिङ हट्छ भन्ने होइन । यसका लागि केही समय लाग्छ नै । केही नगरी बसे आज आएको अवस्थाले भोलि पनि निरन्तरता पाउँछ । त्यसकारण हाम्रा प्रयास केही वर्षमै नेपाललाई लोडसेडिङमुक्त बनाउनेतर्फ केन्दि्रत छन् । आयोजना छिटो अगाडि बढाउन इएआइए गर्नुपर्ने आयोजनालाई आइइए मात्र गरे पुग्ने व्यवस्था अगाडि बढाएका छौँ । आयोजना निर्माणका लागि रहेका झन्झटिला प्रक्रियालाई सहज गर्नेतर्फ ध्यान दिएका छौँ । विद्युत् चोरी र चुहावट नियन्त्रणमा ध्यान जान थालेको छ । कम विद्युत् खपत गर्ने चिम प्रयोगलाई अभियानका रूपमा अगाडि बढाइने छ । होर्डिङबोर्डमा विद्युत् कटौतीलगायत तत्काल गर्नुपर्ने कामदेखि दीर्घकालसम्मको सोच अगाडि सारिएकाले लोडसेडिङको समय अब घटाउँदै लैजान सकिने अवस्था आएको छ ।

]]> http://www.hydronepal.org/news/480.html/feed http://www.hydronepal.org/interview/392.html http://www.hydronepal.org/interview/392.html#comments Mon, 29 Dec 2008 04:23:57 +0000 editor http://www.hydronepal.org/?p=392 [ Dr. Sandip Shah is the President of the Independent Power Producers' Association, Nepal  and Vice President and Country Director of the Norwegian company SN Power which has hydro projects in India, Peru, Chile, Philippines and Sri Lanka besides building Khimti of Nepal. He talked to The Kathmandu Post about private sector international interest in Nepal's hydro power development and the challenges.]
Excerpts:

Tell us something about the Power Summit that you were involved in organizing a couple of months back.
First Power Summit of 2006 was the first initiative from the private sector. Previously whatever hydro power issues were discussed it was only at the government level between Nepal and India. Lots of big projects were discussed — Karnali Saptakoshi, Pancheswore — but they always got mired in geopolitical issues. There was a lot of mistrust and misconceptions on both sides. Things did not really move. We looked at doable projects, maybe of 50, 100, 500 MW range which could be financed easily through multilateral funding and banks from Nepal and India.

The main issue in these big projects was water which is a very sensitive issue and involves flood control, navigation, irrigation, and land reclamation benefits. These are secondary benefits that are difficult to quantify. Whenever the two governments talked about cost and benefit sharing of the projects, the
projects got stuck.
There would be no water issues in these projects. There is a big market for electricity in India. At this Power Summit we discussed four high capacity cross-border transmission lines which can carry up to 3,000 MW each either way. The first one will be available in 2010. We have also had discussions on financial issues. Hydro power projects are very capital intensive with high risk and takes a long time to build. Hence, proper risk assessment, mitigation and securitization must be done.

What was the response like?
Response has been quite positive both from the private sector as well as from the government sector — both Nepal and India. It is not only the Indians we have here. We have Norwegians, South Koreans, Chinese, Germans, Australians.

What are the biggest risks?
The biggest risk is political stability. Besides this, security situation, technical risks, legal and regulatory framework, in-country risk in terms of financing, whether you would be allowed to convert and take out the invested money, are considerably high. On the repatriation of funds the laws are in place and working. But if we go for larger projects in the 500 MW range, there might be a constraint on the foreign exchange reserves although Rastra Bank has said this should not be a
problem. There are reserves due to the remittances.
The other thing is the infrastructure. There are no access roads to the better hydro power sites and there are no transmission lines. The developer has to build the access road and the transmission line which adds tremendously to the costs and results in delays in implementation of the project.
There is also more harmony required in the legal and regulatory framework. There are 32 acts and regulations one has to adhere to while developing a project. There are a lot of overlaps that need to be harmonised. The most critical thing we have seen is that the government has designated the Department of Electricity Development as the single window for power development. But we find that due to capacity constraints, they have not been able to function as a single window. This delays the whole process.

The government has come up with this target of producing 10,000 MW in ten years.
It is a welcome step forward. But you need to back your vision with plans, programmes, policies and implementation strategies which are not there yet. A 15- member high level political committee has been formed, but it needs more professional input. There are very serious developers in Nepal who are pursuing projects at different stages. There are projects of 2,800 MW worth in serious development. If all of that can come through by 2015 or 2018 — I will be very happy. So let’s say 3,000 MW, that is quite possible. With the current government machinery, 10,000 MW is not possible.

How does Nepal’s scenario in private sector hydro power development differ from other that in countries that your company is involved in?
Emerging markets, where we are undertaking projects, are always very challenging. Comparing with other countries where we are operating, Nepal’s political and security situation is still not very stable, financing is still a big risk. In countries like Philippines and India, politics is much more stable, their legal and regulatory framework is in place and implementation is at a much better level than ours. But Nepal is still attractive because of the potential market in India. Obviously, demand in Nepal will also increase, but India is
definitely the market for large-scale hydro projects in Nepal. It is an assessment of risk and rewards: with high risk there is high reward.

Editor writes: For readers who are interested to know more about Independent Power Producers’ Association, Nepal

Independent Power Producers’ Association, Nepal (IPPAN) was established in the year 2001 with the intention of encouraging the private sector to work in the area of hydropower in Nepal. It is a non-profit, non-government autonomous organization.

One of its main purposes is to act as a link between the private sector and government organizations involved in developing hydropower in the country so that Nepalese citizens can get the maximum benefit from the development effort.

Besides this, the organization also helps exchange technology, expertise, knowledge, financial and management information among the independent power producers in the country.

IPPAN is primarily a membership organization. The General Assembly comprises both institutional and individual members. The General Assembly elects the Board of Directors, which then formulates the plans and policies of the organization.
More info on IPPAN

Excerpts
What is the need to export electricity?
We have immense resources to be exploited. If hydro power is developed, there will be stability, and democracy will enhance. The business deficit will go down. There is a situation to pay dollars to buy Indian currency. I could have implemented Arun-III and Upper Karnali using my authority but I considered the national interest, and invited open competition. We are benefited more from these projects than what the existing laws and policies govern.

What is the situation of power export?
The water resources must be utilized taking into consideration the national interest at maximum. We have promoted projects under the Build Own Operate Transfer (BOOT) system. The constructing company must hand over the project to the government after 30 years. From that Nepal will get assets worth billions without any actual investment. Derailing this benefit and objective, there are attempts to misuse the national resources by promoting false information through mass media, giving no justice to the citizens.

What would be the motives of wrong flow of information?
The main reason would be the lack of knowledge on the benefits from the projects. India is the main market for electricity. There is a mentality that India will always deceive us. Like Arabian countries, which are rich from oil export, Nepal will never be deceived by exporting electricity. No angles are there for Nepal to be deceived.

For major goods, we are dependent on India. Such dependence makes us weaker. Our ‘bargaining power’ will be higher when we start exporting electricity from Nepali hydel projects. Let us take an example of oil supply to Nepal. Hydro electricity requires high technologies and investments. It could have been much better if we had developed this ourselves. Due to our present financial status, this is not possible. From this, the concept of exporting electricity has originated. We can definitely displace the dependence on petroleum products tomorrow by developing hydro power. Development of hydro power is a must to take electricity to every house and to increase the production. Power export must be seen as a model to develop hydro power. This applies mostly to larger projects. We are already investing in smaller projects. Tamakoshi is being constructed with the national investment.

Then, why is there opposition for these two projects being licensed to Indian companies?
No democracy will enhance under poverty line. Disguised with patriotism, some elements are campaigning against these projects, sideling the future benefits. As quoted by BP Koirala, we can wake-up those who are in sleep, but can do nothing to those who pretend to be slept. Those who protest must also tell what the project’s benefits are.

What is to be done to develop hydro power benefiting both the nations?
Indian’s dependence on Nepal will certainly go higher with the development of Upper Karnali, West Seti and Arun-III. The concerned party must be alert regarding the issue of getting deceived. The then Parliamentarian Committee for Natural Resources took much time to approve Arun-III and Upper Karnali. The committee even gave directives to the government, showing clues for getting more benefits from these projects. Based on those directives, decisions in the cabinet were made. There was all party participation in the cabinet. We should never allow any pretexts to appear regarding the implementation of these projects. Faster we decide, faster the nation develops. Otherwise, there will be much loss to the nation.

Maoists are opposing  West Seti, why?
West Seti is a project that requires higher investment. Financial arrangement in this project was not achieved during insurgency period. Now the situation is different. The license renewal was approved by the cabinet. Even Maoists were in the cabinet. They did not oppose during the cabinet decision. The Ministry of Finance forwarded the US $40.5 million investment proposal to the cabinet for approval. The Maoists ministers told that they must study the proposal, and was approved only in the next cabinet meeting, after they showed their agreement on the proposal.